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Vincent HÄNNI and Gabriel SCOTTI, Music Elise GAUD de BUCK, Graphic designer Carlos IBAÑEZ, Sound Liliana RINCON, Line producer (Colombia) Marc IRMER, Producer Sebastien AUTRET, Postproduction manager Hollman MORRIS on the right, and Alexander RESTREPO, Sergio MEJIA, Cinematography Isabelle GATTIKER, Producer Carlos IBAÑEZ, Sound Ana ACOSTA, Editor José FLOREZ, Sound From the left to the right: Laurent DUTOIT, José-Michel BUHLER, From the left to the right: Stéphanie BARBEY, Luc PETER, |
Hollman Morris, 39 years old, Colombian journalistFor 15 years Morris has covered the internal conflict in Colombia, paying particular attention to the theme of human rights. Since 2002 he has produced and directed the television show Contravia “countercurrent”. Through dozens of half-hour shows, Hollman Morris has filmed eyewitness accounts of the most serious human rights situations in Colombia, constituting one of the most important video archives of the country’s recent history. The show has been supported by the European Union, the Open Society Institute and the governments of Canada, the United Kingdom and the Netherlands. Colombia: under the specter of self-censorship(June 2007) According to ‘Reporters without Borders’, Colombia remains one of the most dangerous countries for journalists. Even though the frequency of kidnapping and murder has diminished during the last three years, the pressure exerted on journalists by hidden forces (guerilla, paramilitary, drug traffickers, politicians and corrupt government officials) remains overbearing. In many regions of the country that remain controlled by the interests of a select few, the most aberrant attempts against human dignity occur in the midst of a conniving silence. Journalists and their employers prefer to keep quiet or change the subject, justifying themselves by saying: in this country many people who have spoken out have died, and the justice system doesn’t work anyway. The assassins occupy powerful positions and people are tired of it all, they just want a break. This environment of self-censorship along with the significant economical crisis at the end of the 90’s considerably reduced the freedom of the press in Colombia. In 1999, out of the three nationwide newspapers, only one survives today and is owned by the families of the Vice-President and the Defense Minister. This newspaper is written by journalists based in Bogota, far from the conflict zones. Articles covering the conflict’s impact on civilians are usually taken straight from the Defense Ministry’s official press releases. The language used in these official releases directly reflects the sitting government’s security policy: for example, the expression internal conflict is replaced by terrorist threat, an interpretation that ignores more than four million internal refugees and insists on speaking of a terrorist threat instead of internal armed conflict. It is only fair to mention that the journalists most critical of the régime and those who denounce the humanitarian crisis lived by civilians or those who venture to seriously analyze the situation do give their opinion in this newspaper, but only in the little-read editorial pages. And only 300'000 copies are printed in a country of 28 million adults! A distant warThe last few years have brought enormous changes to the world of televised news: documentaries covering the internal conflict that involve travel outside of Bogota and filming in the field have completely disappeared (with the exception of Contravía of course). Today two of the three national television channels have opinion shows, interviews and debates which sometimes discuss the war in Colombia, but from afar, without showing images from the field. The effect of these aseptic debates on the public is to make them think that the war is far away, and that in the end, it is not so bad. Because even if the subject of debate remains macabre - such as the massacre of a whole village - the images that reach the public are neutral: well-dressed, educated people sitting around a table in a television studio, with a nighttime city view as a backdrop. In the end, the news shows argued that the public was tired of seeing corpses and that positive aspects of the country must be discussed. Thus 70% of every show is dedicated to covering sports, local show-biz and catchy anecdotes about national policy. CONTRAVIA, the showIt is in this absence of images of the ‘other Colombia’ (that of the war and its victims), that Contravía was created. For the first time indigenous peoples, Afro-colombians, organized farmers, community leaders and victims of war crimes were given an opportunity to voice their opinions on television. Their lives and stories finally reached the public. But this ‘other reality’ is not good publicity for the country, and the lead journalist started receiving threats, mainly after certain episodes led to the reopening of criminal investigations against army officers or government employees implicated in human rights violations. The journalist’s communications were tapped by police authorities; the show was suspended, then shifted to a less favorable time slot. After the journalist received threats against his family the show was once again suspended; consequently he briefly moved abroad and the show was eventually put on the air again but at an even less favorable time than before. Several international awards followed, meaning bad publicity for the country, even more persistent threats, a newly elected government hostile to criticism, the EU’s disengagement from programs promoting democracy and peace in Colombia, and, finally, the possible end of the show. After receiving the 2006 Canadian Journalists for Free Expression “International Press Freedom Award”, Hollman declared: “Seen in an international context, Colombia represents one of those grey zones for which there appears no solution. One of those endless conflicts that fails to interest either the media or public authorities and is eventually forgotten. For us journalists coming out of these grey zones, we know to what point our words can save lives, and it is not only about the life and death of our compatriots, but also about the life and death of Humanity in short. As said by Anna Politkovskaïa: ‘It’s about all of us’.” HOLLMAN MORRISPROGRAMA CONTRAVIA MORRIS PRODUCCIONES EMISSIONS DE CONTRAVIA www.youtube.com/user/morrisproducciones FILM PARTNERSINTERMEZZO FILMS DOLCE VITA FILMS TELEVISION SUISSE ROMANDE SSR SRG IDEE SUISSE CENTRE NATIONAL DE LA CINEMATOGRAPHIE DIRECTION DU DEVELOPPEMENT ET DE LA COOPERATION REPUBLIQUE ET CANTON DE GENEVE / Culture REPUBLIQUE ET CANTON DE GENEVE / Solidarité internationale VILLE DE GENEVE FONDS REGIO FILMS / REGIO DISTRIB EARTHLING PRODUCTIONS POUR-CENT CULTUREL MIGROS AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL LA LOTERIE ROMANDE SWISS FILMS AGORA FILMS EUROZOOM CINEPHIL WORLD SALES FILM CREWGABRIEL SCOTTI & VINCENT HÄNNI / Musiciens ERIC FRECHOU / Colour Grading FRED BIELLE, ELISON / Mixing PRESS FREEDOMFUNDACION NUEVO PERIODISMO IBEROAMERICANO MEDIOS PARA LA PAZ FUNDACION PARA LA LIBERTAD DE PRENSA REPORTERS SANS FRONTIERES FEDERATION INTERNATIONAL DES JOURNALISTES INTERNATIONAL PEN ARTICLE 19 COMMITTEE TO PROTECT JOURNALISTS JOURNALISTES CANADIENS POUR LA LIBERTE D’EXPRESSION ECHANGE INTERNATIONAL DE LA LIBERTE D’EXPRESSION INTERNATIONAL MEDIA SUPPORT COLOMBIAN PRESSREVISTA SEMANA PERIODICO EL TIEMPO PERIODICO EL ESPECTADOR REVISTA EL MALPENSANTE REVISTA ARCADIA LA HOJA CORPORACION NUEVO ARCO IRIS AGENCIA PRENSA RURAL ACTUALIDAD COLOMBIANA INDYMEDIA COLOMBIA COLOMBIA, HUMAN RIGHTSCOMISION COLOMBIANA DE JURISTAS CONSULTORIA PARA LOS DD.HH. Y EL DESPLAZAMIENTO CENTRO DE INVESTIGACION Y EDUCACION POPULAR MOVIMIENTO NACIONAL DE VICTIMAS DE CRIMENES DE ESTADO CORPORACION COLECTIVO DE ABOGADOS CORPORACION AVRE FUNDACION IDEAS PARA LA PAZ COORDINACION COLOMBIA-EUROPA-ESTADOS UNIDOS EQUIPO NIZKOR www.derechos.org/nizkor/colombia PLANETA PAZ ORGANIZACION NACIONAL INDIGENA DE COLOMBIA COLOMBIA, INSTITUTIONSPRESIDENCIA DE LA REPUBLICA VICEPRESIDENCIA DE LA REPUBLICA MINISTERIO DEL INTERIOR Y DE JUSTICIA www.mininteriorjusticia.gov.co MINISTERIO DE DEFENSA NACIONAL FISCALIA GENERAL DE LA NACION PROCURADURIA GENERAL DE LA NACION DEFENSORIA DEL PUEBLO A Swiss and Colombian national, Juan José Lozano, was born in 1971, and studied at the National University of Colombia. An independent producer and director, he has made a series of television documentaries for the Colombian Ministry of Culture (1994-1998). In 1998 he moved to Geneva, where he made several politically committed films dealing both with his host town– exploring young foreigners’ experiences of immigration and assimilation in “Un train qui arrive est aussi un train qui part”, 2003, and the armed conflict in Colombia, examining its effects on the people (“Le bal de la vie et de la mort”, 2001 and “Hasta la última piedra”, 2006). Juan José Lozano has also worked as a video artist on Omar Porras and Marielle Pinsard’s stage projects, and with Philippe Macasdar at the Théâtre de St-Gervais in Geneva. Alongside all these activities, he is pursuing a literary career, with his first novel, “Aquí no pasa nada” soon to be published. What was the starting point for your film? In 2006, after living in Geneva for several years, I returned to Colombia to shoot Until the final Stone, a documentary film about a community of farmers living in a strategic war zone in Colombia. In order to edit the film I needed archival images of fighting in the area. In my search I was confronted with a devastating fact: the owners of news programs had decided to stop sending reporters to “danger zones” and there seemed to be a complete lack of footage covering atrocities committed during recent years throughout the country. The war had literally disappeared from television screens. My research eventually led me to Hollman Morris, a journalist with whom I had collaborated during my studies. He seemed to be the only person with images of the conflicts and human rights abuses occurring in Colombia during the last few years. Hollman gave me complete access to his archives, offered me the footage that I needed and showed me episodes from his weekly show Contravia. A few months later he wrote to me announcing that his show would be taken off the air due to lack of funding. It was then that I decided to tell his story. How did you choose the angle from which to tell the story? The story about the lack of recent reporting allowed me to look at Colombia’s present history differently. The more I thought about it, the more I became frightened of the idea of a country without history and without memory. It was impossible not to think of George Orwell and his totalitarian society while I observed the mainstream, Colombian media transforming itself into appendices of the current government. But my initial intention was simple: I wanted to make a film which would defend the liberty of the press in Colombia, one of the most dangerous countries in the world for journalists. In addition we had to move quickly: Hollman’s show was due to end in six months. Even so, I gave myself the time to plunge into the deepest part of this man’s life, to study the phenomenon of both Colombian censorship and self-censorship and to try to analyze the role of the media as the first rough draft of modern history. This arduous, theoretical, hazardous work, done thousands of kilometers from the film’s location allowed me after some time to begin to clearly see the thread of my story: Colombia and its deplorable situation with respect to human rights and freedom of the press was not going to be the center of my story, but rather the framework within which my character was going to evolve. Because of this, Hollman interested me not only as a dedicated, courageous journalist who needed to be protected, but also – and mainly! – as a typical father who dresses his kids in the morning and takes them to school or a husband who shares his daily worries with his wife. The filming occurred at a turning point in his life, a time when he understood that sooner or later the constant pressure and the presence of his children would make him choose between his commitment to his profession and, not less importantly, his commitment to his family, his children and his life. The atmosphere was also tense given the regional elections in Colombia, which gave rise to hostility towards people, such as Hollman, critical of president Uribe’s régime. Is this film about Colombia, about journalism or about commitment? It is a film about a man, a real man. It takes place in Colombia, and in this sense it is also a story about Colombia, but this story could take place, with variations, in many other countries where journalists are under pressure. But in my opinion it is not merely the story of a journalist: it goes further; for me this is a story about a citizen and about our role as members of a society. About the concept of commitment in a world that tends to sometimes lose its meaning. Where does your character’s drama take place? Inside himself! Hollman has dedicated his life to denounce the atrocities of an absurd war that has lasted a long time and that has modeled the face of the country in a dramatic way. Only the majority of Colombians prefer to look elsewhere, and pretend that nothing is happening. Such is the drama of our character: a desperate fight to attract the eyes and ears of a public that, apparently, does not want to see nor hear. But at what price? And until when? Did Hollman Morris review and authorize the film? No, Hollman did not authorize the film as such. He reviewed and commented on several sequences during editing, but in a perspective of dialogue, not one of censorship. Early on we established our conditions: mine were to have access, along with my crew, to all moments of his life, unconditionally and without restrictions. His were to maintain control of the situation in the field, in order to keep us out of danger. I can say today that the success of this collaboration resided in our total respect of these conditions, as well as in our total confidence in the work of the other. We maintained this respect in spite of the enormous differences between the work pace and methods of his crew and mine. What were your questions and doubts while you worked on this film? Even though I still admire Hollman and his work, and though I profoundly believe in his struggle to the point of letting myself be taken away in the film by sequences that praise commitment in a heroic personification of his character, I was plagued by doubts throughout the writing and directing of the film. And even today I am divided. Let me explain myself: in the 50’s, during the civil war in Colombia, almost half a million people were assassinated with machetes. When my grandfather evoked these years, it was to complain about the inexistence of television at the time: “If I described what I had seen, no one would believe me, no one would believe the inhumane and perverse things that Man is capable of inflicting on other men. No one would believe me because it is unimaginable. One would have to see it to believe it. But at the time, television did not exist to show it. That is why the killings lasted so long and why people today don’t know what happened, and that is why tomorrow people will say that it never happened.” Today my grandfather is dead. And the killings of the 50’s were followed by those of the 80’s, 90’s and 2000, and it all happened even while television was everywhere. But people continue to not want to believe, not want to see.I was tormented while directing this film: on the one hand was the faith, like that of my grandfather, in the power of images to change the world. On the other the “skeptical realism” of many people today, and the renunciation of all types of communication, of denunciation… in short, of faith. Intellectually I sometimes continue having doubts, but in the end it is my grandfather who wins, because otherwise, it would be impossible to continue living. test5
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copyright 2008 miKL - all rights reserved / Dolce Vita Films and Intermezzo Films |
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